ItimoiS  •  ^    SURVEY 


LETTER 


Oif* 


♦ 


THE  HON.  J.  REYNOLDSOF  ILLINOIS^ 


TO 


HIS  CONSTITUENTS., 


CITY  OP  WASHINGTON,  JUNE,  1840. 


/         WASKIN^VTON: 
^INT^2  AT  TH&  QLOBB  OFFICE. 
'  184a 


■i 


?:?5. 


*  -■ 


LETTER  OF  THE  HON.  J    BEYNOLDS  OP  ILUNOfS 


ni 


TO  MY  CONSTITUENTS. 

This  session  of  Congress  is  likely  to  be  so  much 
protracted  beyond  the  usual  time  of  adjournment, 
that  I  fear  I  shall  not  soon  have  the  pleasure  to  see, 
you,  and  render  to  you  an  .account  of  my  pubhc 
conduct.  On  this  consideration,  I  deem  it  my  duty 
to  correspond  with  you  frankly  and  freely  on  all  im- 
portant measures  that  come  before  Congress. 

It  is  well  known  to  you,  that  two  parties  exist  in 
Congress  as  well  as  ihoughout  the  Union.  These 
parties  are  firm  and  stable  m  their  political  doc- 
trines, and  at  the  same  time  are  based  on  very  dif- 
ferent principles.  They  are  both  very  decided  and 
firm  in  carrying  out  ihe  principles  and  the  mea- 
sures on  which  each  party  is  founded.  The  paity 
in  opposition  to  Democratic  principles,  in  and  out  of 
Congress,  have  presented  to  Congress  two  very  im- 
portant measures,  to  which  I  am  utterly  opposed. 
One  is,  to  circumscribe,  or  repeal  the  na- 
turalization laws,  and  thereby  to  deprive  foreign- 
ers of  the  benefits  and  blessings  of  our  free  Go- 
Ternment.  The  other  is  to  preclude  the  Govern- 
ment officers  from  exercising  their  privileges  like 
other  citizens  in  matters  relating  to  elections.  These 
measures  seem  to  me  to  be  extremely  important, 
so  that  I  consider  it  to  be  my  duty  to  present  them 
to  you  for  your  consideration. 

You  will  readily  brins;  to  your  recollection,  that 
the  "alien  and  sedition"  laws  of  1798,  enacted  un- 
der the  Administration  of  John  Adams  by  the 
Federal  party,  formed  much  of  the  basis  of  the  po- 
litical contest  of  that  day  between  the  two  parties. 
The  investigation  and  arguments  against  these 
laws  are  recorded  in  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  re- 
solutions of  1798  and  '99,  and  in  Mr.  Madison's 
report.  They  aflbrd  us  the  great  landmarks  of 
the  paities  of  that  day,  and  which,  in  my  judg- 
ment, have  been  substantially  revived  in  the  two 
measures  above  men.ioned. 

In  order  that  I  may  not  be  mistaken  in  these 
matters,  and  to  submit  the  whole  for  your  judg- 
ment and  consideration,  I  v.fiU  present  lo  you  the 
"alien  and  sedition  laws"  of  1793,  and  some  of  the 
petitions  and  bills  of  the  present  day,  so  that  you 
will  be  the  better  able  to  judge  on  them  correctly, 
and  see  that  the  measures  are  substantially  the 
same. 

"AN  ACT  CONCERNING  ALIENS, 
"^nd  ht  it  enacted,  4c.  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States,  at  any  time  durin;  the  continuance 
of  this  act,  to  order  all  such  aliens  as  lie  shall  judge  dangerous 


to  the  peace  and  safety  of  theJCnited  States,  or  shall  have  re*v: 
sfinable  grounds  to  suspect  are  concerned  in  any  treasonabi  ' 
or  secret  machinations  against  the  Government  thereof,  to  ■ 
part  out  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  within  such.i  tax 
as  shall  be  expressed  in  such  older;  which  order  shallbe  ' 
served  on  such  alien  by  delivering  him  a  copy  thereof,  or  leav' 
ing  the  same  at  his  usual  abode,  and  relumed  to  the  officeDi 
the  Secretary  of  State,  by  the  marshal,  or  other  person.c 
whom  the  same  shall  be  directed.      And  in  case  any  alien  so 
ordered  to  depart,  shall  be  found  at  large  within  tfie  United 
Slates  after  the  time  limited  in  such  order  for  his  departure, 
and  not  having  obtained  a  license  from  the  President  to  reside 
therein,  or  having  obtained  su„h  license,  shall  not  have  con- 
formed thereto,  every  such  alien  shall,  on  conviction  thereof 
be  imprisoned  for  a  term  not  exceeding  three  years,  and  shall 
never  after  be  admitted  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United" 
States. 

"Approved,  .Tune  25, 1798.'' 

(In  force  for  two  years.) 

Second  section  of  the  Sediti»n  law  of  1798: 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any  person  shall  write, 
print,  utter,  or  publish,  or  shall  cause  or  procure  to  be  writtenv 
printed,  uttered,  or  published,  or  shall,  knowingly  and  willing 
ly  assist  or  aid  in  writing,  printing,  uttering,  or  publishing,  any 
false,  scandalous,  and  malicious  writing  or  writings,  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  either  House  of  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  or  the  President  of  the  United  Stated, 
with  intent  to  defame  the  said  Government,  or  either  House  of 
the  said  Congress,  or  the  said  President,  or  to  bring  them,  or 
either  of  theni,  into  contempt  or  disrepute,  or  to  excite  against, 
them,  or  either  or  any  of  them,  the  hatred  of  the  good  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States,  or  to  stir  up  sedition  within  the  United 
Slates;  or  to  excite  any  unlawful  combinations  therein,  for  op- 
posing or  resisting  anv  law  of  the  United  States,  or  any  act  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  done  in  pursuance  of  any 
such  law,  or  of  the  powers  in  him  vested  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States;  or  to  resist,  oppose,  or  defeat,  any  such  law 
or  act;  or  to  aid,  encourage,  or  abet,  any  hostile  designs  of  any 
foreign  nation  against  the  United  States,  their  people,  or  Go- 
verntneat,  then  such  person,  being  thereof  convicted  before  any 
court  of  the  United  States  having  jurisdiction  thereof,  shall  be 
punished  by  a  fine  not  exceeding  two  thousand  dollars,  and  by 
imprisonment  not  exceeding  two  years. 

"Approved,  July  14,  1793?' 

(To  be  in  force  until  the  3d  March,  1801.) 

Petition  from  Illinois,  presented  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  6th  of  February,  1840,  by 
the  honorable  Mr.  Sluart,  Representative  m  Con- 
gress from  Illinois,  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  the  Judiciary: 

"To  the  honorable  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  or 
the  United  Stales  of  America  in  Congress  asambled: 

"FELLOw-CrrizENs:  The  petitioa  of  the  undersigned  citizentf 
of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  respectfully 
shows  theirbelief,  that  time  has  fulfilled  the  object  had  in  vi.ew 
by  our  fathers  at  the  period  of  adopting  the  Constitution,  when 
they  gave  the  Consresa  the  powei  of  passing  laws  for  the  natu- 
ralization of  foreigners;  and  your  petitioners  also  show  their  be- 
lief, that  the  farther  admission  of  foreigners  to  a  participation 
in  the  political  rights  of  native  Americans,  would  be  hurtful  U> 
the  interest  of  our  country,  ami  if  continued  will,  sooner  or 
later,  prove  destructive  to  our  Republican  institutions.  Yeur 
petitioners,  therefore,  ask  the  attention  of  your  honorable  body 
to  the  various  petitions  for  a  repeal  of  the  naturalizaliou  law^ 
which  have  been  formerly  presented  to  your  honorable  body; 
and  they  farther  ask  your  honorable  body  to  repeal  entirely 


the  laws   which  now  exist  in  regard  to  the  naluraliiation  »f 
foreigners.  .  .      .      o.  .^     m. 

Cepy  of  the  bill  presented  m  the  Senate  by  Mr. 

Crittenden: 

A  BILL  to  prevent  the  interposition  of  certain  Federal  oflkers 

in  elections. 
To  tlie  end  that  the  great  powers  given  to  the  officers  of  the  Fe- 
deral GovernmcDt,  and  other  persons  employed  in  its  service, 
may  not  be  used  for  the  influencing  o(  elections,  which  ought 
to  be  tree  and  incorrupt — 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  Houan  of  Representatives 
vfthe  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  Thai 
from  and  after  the  fiis"t  day  ol  April,  in  the  year  one  thousand 
«ight hundred  and  ihiiivninc,  no  marshal  or  deputy  marshal, 
no  postmaster  or  deputy  postmaster,  no  receiver  or  resistor  o;  a 
Jand  office,  or  any  of  their  deputies  or  clerks,  no  surveyor  gene- 
ral of  the  public  lands,  or  any   of  his  deputies  or  assistants,  no 
collector, surveyor,  naval  officer,  weigher, gauger,  appraiser,  or 
other  officer  or  person  whatsoever  concerned  or  en.ploycd  in  the 
charging,  collectin?,  levying,  or  manaaing  the  cu.stoms,  or  any 
branch  or  pan  thereof,  no  engineer,  officer,  or  agent  employed 
or  concerned  in  the  execution  or  superintendence  of  any  of  the 
public  works,  shall,  by  word,  message,  or  writing,  or  in  any 
other  manner  whatsoever,  endeavor  to  persuade  any  elector  to 
give,  or  dissuade  any  elector  frnnr  giving,  his  vote  for  the  choice 
of  any  person  to  be  elector  of  President  and  Vice  President  of 
these  United  Stales,  or  for  the  cheice  of  any  person  to  be  a  Sena 
tor  or  Representative  in  the  Congress  of  the  said  United  States, 
or  for  the  choice  of  any  person  to  be  Governor  or  Lieutenant 
Governor  ofany  State,  or  of  any  person  to  ')e  a  Representative 
or  member  in  the  Legislative  Department  of  any  State  of  this 
ilTnion,  or  for  the  choice  ofany  person  to  serve  in  any  public 
office  established  by  the  law   of  any  of  said  States;  norshall 
any  such  officer  or  person  intermeddle  in  any  of  the  elections 
above  mentioned,  or  use  any  means  with  intent  to  influence 
or  control  thesame,  otherwise  than  by  giving  his  own  vote;  and 
every  person  ofiending  therein  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  five  hun- 
dred dollars;  one  inoieiy  thereof  to  the  informer,  and  the  other 
Mioiety  thereof  to  the  United  States  aforesaid,  to  be  recovered, 
with  costs  of  suit,  by  any  person  that  shall  sue  for  the  sairie,  by 
action  of  debt,  bill,  or  plaint  in  any  of  the  district  or  circuit 
courts  of  the  TInited  States;  and  every  person  convicted,  on  any 
atich  su't,  of  the  said  otfence,  shall  thereby  become  disabled  and 
incapable  o/  ever  bearing  or  executing  any  office  or  place  of 
trust  whatsoever  under  the  said  United  States. 

I  will  lay  before  you  the  first  section  of  the  fol- 
lowing' bill,  pre.'^ented  in  ihe  House  of  Representa- 
tives by  Mr.  Bell,  which  contains  the  subject  I  wish 
to  present  to  you. 

A  BILL  to  secure  the  freedom  of  elections,  and  to  provide 
more  eflectually  for  the  taithlul  administration  of  Executive 
patronage. 

'^^Be  ite7iactedhy  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  oji- 
aembled,  That  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  July  next,  no  offi- 
cer, agent,  or  contractor,  nr  other  person  holding  any  office  or 
emplovment  of  trust  or  profit  underthe  Constitution  and  laviTS 
of  the  United  States,  shall,  by  the  contribution  of  money  or 
other  valuable  thing,  or  by  the  use  of  the  franking  privilege,  or 
the  abuse  ofany  other  oflicial  privilege  or  function,  orby  threats 
and  menaces,  or  in  any  other  manner,  inti'rmeddle  with  the 
electiotf  of  any  member  or  members  of  either  House  of  Con 
gress,  of  of  the  President  or  Vice  President  of  the  United  States, 
or  of  the  Governoror  other  oliirer  ofany  State,  or  ofany  mem 
T)er  orineii»bers  of  the  Legislature  ofany  Slate;  and  every  such 
officer  or  o;her  person  otlending  therein, shall  he  held  to  be  guilty 
of  a  high  misdemeanor;  and,  iipon  conviction  in  any  court  of 
ihe  United  States  having  jurisdiction  thereof,  shall  pa?  a  ''"e 
not  e.xceeding  one  thousand  dollars;  Provided,  That  nothing 
iierein  contained  shall  be  so  ccnsinied  as  to  interfere  with  the 
1  isht  of  suflr.ige,  as  secured  by  the  Constitution:  And  provided 
further,  That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  so  operate  as  to 
prevent  the  President,  or  the  head  of  any  Department  who  is 
vested  by  law  with 'he  power  of  appointing  inferior  officers, 
from  removing  from  office,  at  any  time,  any  incumbent  who 
the  President  or  lire  head  of  a  Department,  as  the  case  may  t)e. 
shall  be  .satisfied  has  intermeddled  in  any  election.  State  or  Fe- 
<leral. 

The  same  parly  that  enacted  the  "alien  and  sedi- 
tion" laws,  had  been  in  existence,  and  act  velv  cm- 
J.!oyed,  long  before  the  passage  of  the  acts.  They 
had  urged  on  ihe  considpration  rf  the  convention 
that  formed  the  Constitution  of  United  Slates,  the 
propriety  of  e>tablishirg  aSenate  and  Pre.«idenf  for 
life,  (he  appo  ntment  by  the  General  Governmeni 
of  the  Governors  of  the  States,  and  a  veto  on  State 
laws. 


These  facts  are  stated  not  to  disturb  the  ashes  of 
the  illustrious  dead,  but  to  enable  you,  my  constitU' 
ents,  to  judge  for  yourselves  on  the  merit  of  those 
two  great  contending  parties.  Many  of  ihe  leaders 
of  this  party  had  been  the  most  active  and  efficient 
in  achieving  our  Revolution:  and  for  this  we  honor 
and  respect  them.  For  their  political  opinioni  we 
also  entertain  a  becoming  respect:  but  at  the  same 
time  are  satisfied,  they  were  in  a  most  egregious 
error. 

This  was  not  at  all  surprising:.  The  most  wise 
and  best  men  might  have  been  mistaken  at  that  day. 
There  was  ho  practical  form  of  free  Government 
before  them  for  a  model,  and  they  had  been  for 
many  years  experiencing  and  observing  the  system 
and  forms  of  the  British  Government.  It  was  na- 
tural for  them,  without  the  light  of  experience  t'^ 
guide  ihem,  to  adopt  much  of  the  principles  of  that 
Government.  Now  it  is  different.  At  this  day,  to 
adopt  the  policy  of  the  British  Government,  is  sin- 
ning with  experience,  light,  and  knowledge,  before 
your  eyes= 

These  two  acts,  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  more 
than  any  other,  gave  rise  to  that  celebrated  political 
contest,  which  resulted  in  this  election  of  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  the  over  throw  of  the  Federal  party. 
On  the  downfall  of  this  party,  was  raised  the  Demo- 
cratic church,  which  has,  since  its  first  erection, 
withstood  the  shocks  of  all  its  enemies,  and  I  hope 
will  "flourish  in  immortal  youth."  It  requires  not 
a  philosopher,  or  a  divine,  or  even  a  lawyer,  to  see 
at  once  that  the  two  measures  in  regard  to  the  aliens  . 
are  substamially  the  same.  In  one  case,  the  Pre- 
sident could  order  any  "suspected"  alien  out  of  the 
country.  In  the  other,  case  in  the  petition,  aliens 
are  su.spectcd  in  the  fi.rst  instance,  and  are  not  per- 
mitted to  come  into  the  country. 

One  case,  to  drive  off— the  other,  not  to  let  come, 
must  substantially  be  the  same  policy.  In  botli,  ii 
was  war  and  death  to  aliens. 

These  resolutions  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  and 
Mr.  Madifon's  report  against  the  "Alien  and  Sedi- 
tion"' laws,  bad  not  alone  the  sanction  of  the  very 
sreat  and  wise  men  who  presented  them  to  the  pub- 
lic, but  they  were  also  approved  by  the  Legisla- 
tures of  Virsinia  and  Kentucky,  and  afterwards 
by  a  majorify  likewise  of  the  American  people. 
This  last  dicision  was  one  of  no  ordinary  cha- 
racter. The  American  people  throughout  the 
Union  had  the  subject  of  the  "Alien  and  Sedition" 
laws  before  them  in  discussion  for  a  long  time  in 
the  canvass  for  the  Presidency;  and  after  a  fair  and 
impartial  trial,  the  decision  was  solemnly  pro- 
nounced by  a  large  majority  of  the  people,  that 
the  principles  on  which  these  acts  were  founded  were 
not  only  unconstitutional,  but  also  that  they  were 
calculated  to  ruin  and  prostrate  our  free  institu- 
tions, and  introduce  a  monarchy. 

This  .signal  defeat  and  condemnation  of  the 
Federjil  pariv,  did  not  change  the  sentiments  of 
the  party.  This  fact  is  incontroveriibly  established 
by  the  general  and  deep  rotted  hatred  which  th« 
leaders  of  the  party  eniertain  at  this  time  towards 
Mr.  Jefferson  and  the    Republican  party  of  that 

day.  ■  . 

The  abovementioned  petition  has  to  it  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty-six  signers,  and  seems  to  have 
been  lorwarded  from  Chicago,  in  the  Slate  of  Ilh- 


nois,  lo  Mr.  Sluart,  in  this  city.  Il  is  now  in  pos- 
session of  the  Committee  on  ihe  Judiciary. 

I  have  presented  more  particularly  this  petition 
to  you,  as  I  was  truly  astonished  that  the  doctrines 
of  the  old  Alien  law  were  abont  to  be  revived  in 
the  State  of  Illinois;  and  I  have  no  doubi  you  will 
be  as  much  surprised  as  I  am,  to  see  the  efforts 
making  throus,hout  the  Union  to  levive  this  con- 
demned policy. 

The  above  petition  is  not  Ihe  only  one  presented 
to  Congress  during  this  and  the  former  5es>ions,  on 
the  subject  of  the-  naioralizaiion  laws.  There  arc 
so  many  prtsentf^d  from  different  parts  of  the 
Union,  that  it  seems  !o  be  a  concerted  attack  on 
foreigners,  and  a  settled  determination  to  circum- 
scribe, or  prevent  entirely,  the  future  naturalization 
of  aliens.  This  opinion  is  slrenjjihened  by  the  course 
of  policy  observed  in  the  two  great  Stales  of  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania.  The  last  General  As- 
sembly of  the  Slate  of  New  York,  when  it  wa>; 
under  the  domination  of  th«  Federal  party,  enacted 
a  registration  law  for  the  city  of  New  Yurk.  This 
act  imposes  on  the  people  ol  that  city  more  trouble 
and  more  labor  than  is  required  in  any  other  sec- 
tion of  the  State,  to  enable  them  to  exercise  the  r 
privilege  of  voting.  The  sane  p  licy  was  adopted 
by  Governor  Ritner  and  party,  when  they  were  in 
power  in  the  State  ot  Pennsylvania,  iu  regard  to 
the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  Democratic  party, 
under  the  administiaiion  of  Governor  Porter,  re- 
pealed the  registration  law,-;,  and  the  State  is  once 
more  free  Irom  this  Federal  yoke  of  bondage. 
These  laws,  requiring  reaititiatinn  before  a  free 
man  can  exerci>e  his  sovereign  privilege  of  voting. 
seems  not  only  unjuf  t  and  opp.es?ive,  but  likewise 
unconstitutional.  It  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions  to  make  this  invidious  disimclion  be- 
tween cne  sec'.ion  of  the  same  State  and  another, 
and  that,  too,  to  punish  foreiiiuers,  who  are  legally 
naturalized.  If  the  Legislature  has  this  power,  they 
can  make  a  property  qualification,  or  any  ether 
they  please,  so  that  a  foreigner,  or  a  poor  man, 
may  be  entirely  excluded  from  voting. 

Societies  are  formed  in  many  of  the  cities  in  Ihe 
Union  expressly  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  from 
Congress  the  repeal  of  all  the  natrualizaticn  laws. 
and  in  future  to  prevent  foreigners  from  partici- 
pating in  our  free  institutions. 

I  have  before  me  an  address  of  a  committee  of 
upwards  of  one  hundred  names,  which  is  made  to 
"the  citizen^  of  Louisiana  and  the  inhabitan  s  ol 
the  United  States.''  This  is  from  the  "Louisiana 
Native  American  Association." 

I  wdl  lay  before  you  a  few  exlrac;s  from  this 
address,  to  exhibit  to  you  the  temper  and  leelings  o( 
thai  society: 

"In  ancient  times  a  Roman  citizen  was  a  title  of 
honor,,  and  a  passport  thioughoui  Ihe  world;  hut  it 
our  naiural'zaiion  laws  and  their  concomitants  con- 
tinue mucn  longer,  the  name  of  an  Ainencin  citi- 
zen will  become  a  by-wo;d — a  .•^corn — a  hissing, 
and  a  reproach  throughout  ail  the  niiions  of  the 
earth." 

In  ihe  «ame  page,  18,  the  commillee  say: 
"We  will  now  conclude  thisadnre>.s  by  iieclarina 
it  as   our  solemn   and   unalterable  deieimioaiion 
never  to  abandon  this  great  and  holy  cauie — never 


to  suspend  our  effort5,  antil  the  naturalization  laws 
are  repealed." 

"T  e  present  Executive  of  the  Slate  of  New 
York,  Governor  Seward,  in  his  inaugural  message, 
says:  'There  is  another  roource  which  is  ours, 
neither  by  inheritance  nor  by  purchase,  nor  by  vio- 
lence nor  by  fraud.  It  is  ihe  labor,  ihe  incalcula- 
ble labor  of  the  Europ°an  States.'  The  truth  o£ 
ths  sta'ement  every  native  American  is  proud  to 
admit;  it  i--,  indeed,  by  their  labor,  and  by  that  only, 
that  foieisners  render  any  service  to  the  United 
States;  and  it  is  the  duty,  as  it  is  the  just  preroga  • 
live  of  the  American  people,  Vo  confine  them  ta 
this,  their  only  proper  vocation  in  our  country."' 

It  is  startling  to  a  patriot  to  see  such  '•eniiments 
seriou>ly  and  solemnly  promulgated  from  a  whole 
"association"  of  men.  It  is  founded  on  the  old 
Federal  doctrine  of  "g'^nilemen  and  simple  men" 
— one  class  to  work,  and  the  others  to  enjoy  it.  The 
sentiment  of  ihe  Whis  Governor  of  New  York  is 
ipized  upon  by  the  address  as  a  delicious  morsel. 

It  is  much  worse  than  the  alien  la^v — there  is 
something  noble  in  that,  in  ccmparisom  with  thi5 
sentiment.  Under  the  alien  act,  if  the  Pi  evident 
Jid  not  ihink  it  right  to  retain  a  foreigner,  he  could, 
order  him  out  of  the  country.  This  provision 
would  retain  fore  gners  amongst  us,  to  work  for  ws 
Ike  ca'tle  or  negroes,  which  the  ad'lress  says  is 
■'their  only  proper  vocation  in  th'?  country.'*  Is 
this  the  sentiment  of  liberty  and  free  !om1  or  is 
this  the  glorious  senlim.»nt,  that  "all  ni'n  are  borm 
free  and  equal,"  which  we  find  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence?  These  suggestion*'  ate  left  for 
your  decision. 

I  would  .isk  my  conf  lituenls  if  this  be  not  a  kind 
of  holy  war  against  foreigners.  In  the  19th  page 
of  the  same  work,  the  committee  are  piepdringfor 
death  or  vicory.     They  say: 

"If  America  has  reared  temples  and  al'ars  to  li- 
berty, and  she  requires  victims,  we  are  prepared  for 
the|  acrifice." 

This  reminds  me  of  the  story  of  the  musquito 
on  ihe  sterri  of  a  steamboat  go  ng  up  the  Missis- 
sippi— it  said,  "Lord  !  how  I  make  his  boat  go." 
I  will  close  the«e  exTdc's  with  the  following: 

"Their  united  voice  must  and  will  be  heard,  and 
responded  to  by  Congress — we  must  and  will  be 
protected  from  foreign  influence  by  a  cessation  of 
indi^cr'miucte  immigration  and  naturalization  of  fo- 
reigners." 

From  these  extracts  we  can  readily  see  the  ten\- 
per  of  this  society — they  breathe  vengeance  and. 
slaughter  against  a!:ens. 

Judging  from  the  expressions  of  ihis  address — 
from  the  ac's  of  the  States  o(  Pennsylvania  and 
New  York,  and  from  the  various  petiiio.os  present- 
ed to  Congress,  we  are  forced  to  believe  that  a. 
party  throughout  the  Union  are  determined  to  re- 
;iea!  all  nUarafza-ion  laws,  and  preclude  any  fur- 
ther einigrat  on  of  foreigners  to  our  c  nintry. 

To  a't-.'r  and  change  this  policy,  which  has  done, 
so  mu'jh  20od  to  the  country  in  every  respect,  ia 
my  opinion,  i:  to  sirilte  a  deadly  blow  at  our  pros- 
pp'iy  itself. 

No  country  on  the  globe  ha.s  equalled  in  the 
"^amc  lane  the  rapid  incroase  of  pnpulj.  inn,  the 
prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people,  which  have 
been    exp.^iienced    in     the    United    Stales    since 


its  independence.    This   unparalleled  advance  of 
the      Govemment     on     the      great     bcale      ot 
nations     was    increased     and     insured     in     no 
small  degree   by    the    wise    and    patriotic    laws 
naturalizing   foreigaers.     A  great  portion  of   the 
territory  forming   the  United    Slates,   which    ex- 
tends across  the"  continent    from   the  Atlantic    to 
to  the  Pac  fie  ocean,  and  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
far  beyond  the  sources  of  the  Misassippi,  would  re- 
main  for  ages  a   wilderness-,   wit.iout  inhabitants, 
was  it  not  for  the  great  immigration  of  hardy  and 
enterprising  foreigners.     In  comparison  t;-.  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  nations  of  Europe  were   all  '  new 
comers"  in  the    United  States.     We  are  of  recent 
growth  ourselves.      It  is  a  short  time  m  relation 
«o    the    long    existence    of    other   nations     since 
the   first  pilgrims    landed   at    Plymouth,     and    it 
is  short  indeed  as  to  other   nations,  since  we  de- 
clared our  independence.     Would   it  not  be  cruel 
to   exclude   a  Frenchman  from  the  enjoyment  ol 
the  same  liberty  and  independence,  which  his  nation 
so  signally  assisted  us  in  obtainin?   m  the  Revolu- 
tion'?    Could  we  deny  the  descendants  of  L'^fayette 
a  place  among  usi    The  same  may  be   said  of  al- 
most of  all  the   nations  of  Europe;  fur  most  them 
assisted  us  in    our    Revolution    with  either    men 
or  money.     Who  could  reconcile   it   to   his  con- 
science to  exclude  from  our  country  an  Emmett, 
who  had  witneesed  the  flower  of  his  own  country- 
men fall,  not   a  few,  but   in  masses  in,  their  noble 
struggle  for  freedom;  and  he  himsfli',  on  account  ot 
bis  free  principles,  was   foiced  to  become  an  exile. 
Under  these  circumstances,  who  would   deny  Em- 
mett  a  resting  place  in  our  land? 

The  same  may  be  said  of  thousands  and  thou- 
sands of  other  emigrants  from  Europe,  that  fled 
from  the  tyranny  and  oppre^^sicrn  of  the  old  world 
to  seek  liberty  and  freedim  in  the  new. 

Ii  would  be  extremely  unwise,  and  injurious  to 
ms,  to  exclude  the  prudent,  laborious,  and  patri- 
otic Germans,  and  others  of  the  same  honest  cast 
aad  deportment,  fiom  our  borders.  Moreover,  it 
■would  be  unjust  and  oppressive  to  retain  them  m 
our  own  country,  tax  their  property,  make  them 
work  on  roads,  &c.  and  then  not  permit  thom  to 
enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  a  free  Government. 

Some  of  these  emigrants  may  annoy  the  exqui- 
site sensibilities  of  the  long  haired  dandir's  in  our 
large  cities;  but  the  foreigners  will  soon  find  it  to 
their  advantage  to  retire  back  in  the  country,  and 
there  make  good  farmers  or  mechanics. 

This  country  presents   to  man  the  only  free  Go- 
vernment on   earth;  and  one  party  are  making  at- 
tempts to  prevent  those  that  are  ground  to  the  du?.t 
by  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  other  Govern- 
ments, from  enjoying  the  blessings  of  our  "free  in- 
stitutions."    It  does  seem  to  me  that  our  indepen- 
dence and  Government  were  not  exclusively   esta- 
blished for  those  that  were  in  it  at  the  time,  but  that 
it   was   created,   under  the  guidance  of  the  great 
Architect   of    Nations,   for  the   oppressed   ot    all 
climes  and  countries,   who  would  conform  to  our 
laws  and  institutions;  and,  in  "the  full  tide  of  suc- 
cessful experiment,"  and  in  the  days  of  mental  and 
other  improvements  in  tie  condition  of  maii,  one 
party  in  the  United  States  is  disposed,  by  rigid  en- 
actments of  laws,  to  exclude  from  our  borders  all 
foreigaers,  no  matter  how  intelligent,  how  honest, 


or  how  much  oppressed  they  may  be.  The  intelli- 
gent and  generous  people  of  the  United  States  will 
never  consent  to  .such  illiberal  policy.  For  my 
own  part,  I  would  much  raher  shorten  than  pr«- 
loDg  the  lime  in  which  to  naturalize  foreigners.  1 
will  therefore  support  the  bill  which  is  now  before 
the  House  of  Repie^entatives,  to  reduce  the  time, 
with  proper  guards,  to  two  years. 

Permit  me,  before  I  close  this  branch  of  the  sub- 
ject to  lay  before  you  the  9  h  resolution,  adopted 
in  the  late  Democratic  convention  at  Baliiraore. 
This  expression  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  throughout  the  Union,  will  be  found  m 
the  proceedings  of  the  convention  of  the  bth  May, 
and  is  honorable  to  the  hearts  and  heads  of  the 
party  that  will  continue  this  wise  and  venerable 
creed  of  the  Democratic  church  of  '98: 

"9  Resolced,  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jetter 
son  m the  Declaration  of  Indep.adence  ^"d  ^^""'""ffj^^Vs^ 
Con^^titution,  whuh  make  ourd  the  land  of  ''be"),  and  ihc  asy 
lum  of  ihe  oppressed  of  every  nat  on,  have  ever  been  cardmaV 
nrinciples  in  the.  Democrauc  faiih;  and  every  attempt  w 
abdge  -he  present  privilege  of  becoming  .^"'^^"^V."!"'^,'^^ 
owne?s  of  soi  among  u^,  ought  to  be  resisted,  with  the  sarne 
siTirii  which  «werc  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  from  our  statute 

^^°^''  THE  SEDITION  ACT. 

On  ''ivine  thete  two  mea^ures,  the  bills  recently 
introduced  to  Congress,  and  the  "sedition  law,"  a 
fair  and  equitable  comparison,  the  ConsUtution  is, 
in  my  opinion,  more  pa'pably  violated  by  ihe.e  bills, 
than  by  the  "sedition"  act   itself.     One  bill  states, 
"or    person   intermeddle  in   any    of  the  elections 
above  mentioned,  or  use   any  means  with  inten   to 
influence  or  control  the   same."     The  other  holds 
this  lan^rua.'^e,  "or  in  anv  other  manner   inlermea- 
dle   with  the  dections  of,"  &c.     Those  expressions 
most  manifestly  show  that  no  officer  was  to  speak 
or  write  any  thin- in  relation  to  an   election.     Ihis 
is  much  worse  than  the  sedition  law;  that  only  pro- 
hibited falsehood  from  being  published;  this   prohr- 
bits  the  truth   as  well   as  well    as  falsehood      Ac- 
cording  to  the  provisions  in  these  bills,  all   Federal 
officers  were  disfranchised,  and  their  righ's  and  pri- 
vileges as  Americpin  citizens  were  torn  from  them- 


I  conceive  it  neither  gives  man  more  or  les, 
rights  as  a  citizen,  to  appoint  hi.n  an  officer  under 
the  United  States  Government.  He  is  still  an  Ame- 
rican citizen,  which  is,  in  my  opinion,  nature  s  no- 

^' TlTe^Constitution  of  the  United  States  contains 
this  most  essential  and  wise  provison  m  the  Qrst 
article  of  the  amendments:  that  "Congress  shall 
make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  ot  reli- 
gion, or  prohibiting  the  f.ee  exercise  thereof,  or 
abridging  the  freedom  of  speech  orot  the  pres?,   &c. 

It  woidd  seem  to  me,  .hat  all  mankind  would 
come  to  the  same  conclusion  at  once  on  ih.s  sub- 
iect.  that  the  provisions  contained  in  these  Diiis 
were  palpable  infractions  of  the  (institution. 

Iwillintroduc-toyou  s.me  J'^^acts  from  the 
Virginia  resolutions  of '98,  and  from  Mr  Mad - 
son^s  report,  that   establish  .he  unc.n>t,tut,onality 

of  the  Alien  and  Sedition   ^^^\^:''^  ^^'"^Zf  Z^. 
demn,  m  an  em  nent  degree,   their   kindred  mea 
sures  recently  introduced  into  Con-ress. 
Extract  from  the    VirginU  resnhu.ons,    draxcn  by    Mr. 
"That  the  General  Assembly  doth  Particularly  protest  against 


t)Owerno  where  delegated  to  the  Federal  Government,  and 
-which,  by  uniting  Legialativeand  Judicial  powers  lo  those  of  Ex- 
ecutive, Bubverta  the  general  principles  ol'  free  Government,  as 
-well  as  »he  partitular  organization  and  positive  provisions  ef 
the  Federal  Constitution;  and  ihe  other  of  which  acts  exercises 
In  like  manner  a  power  not  delegated  by  the  Constitution;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  expressly  and  positively  forbidden  by  one  of 
the  amendments  thereto— a  power  which,  more  than  any 
other,  ought  to  produce  universal  alarm,  because  it  is  levelled 
against  the  right  of  freely  examining  public  cliaraclers  and 
ineasures,  and  of  free  communication  among  the  people  thereon, 
which  has  ever  been  justly  deemed  the  only  elfectual  guardian 
of  every  other  right." 

If  the  "sedition  "  act  of  1798  ought  to  "produce 
tiniversal  alaim  "  at  that  day,  what  ought  the  saoie 
measures,  contained  in  these  bills,  "  produce  "  at 
/this  day,  when  our  rights  are  much  better  under- 
Moodl  The  conclusion  must  be  "  universal  alarm." 
t3ne  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Senate,  and  the 
other  Into  the  House,  at  two  different  sessions  of 
Congress,  with  some  slight  alieraiions.  These 
moves  in  both  Houses  ot  Congress,  show  a  de- 
termined and  systematic  plan  of  operation  to  carry 
this  favorite  measure,  and  to  deprive  one  class  of 
our  citizens  of  their  rights  of  speech  and  of  the 
press,  while  the  other  measure,  the  repeal  of  the 
naturalization  law,  would  exclude  <  the  further 
admission  of  all  classes  of  foreigners  from  our  coun- 

Iry. 

Mr.  Madison,  in  his  report  on  the  Virginia  reso- 
lutions, speaking  of  the  act  of  raiificatiou  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  IStates  by  the  convention 
of  Virginia,  uses  this  strong  language: 

"There  is  an  express  and  solemn  declaration  by  the  conven- 
limi  ef  the  State,  that  they  ratify  the  Constitution  in  the  sense, 
thatfno  righi  of  any  denomination  can  be  cancelled,  bridged, 
-restrained,  or  modified,  by  the  Government  of  the  Uimed  States, 
or  any  part  of  it,  except  in  those  instances  in  which  power  is 
given  by  the  Constitution,  and  in  the  sense  paiticuiarly;  that 
among  other  essential  rights,  the  liberty  of  conscience  and  free- 
dom of  the  press  cannot  be  cancelled,  abridged,  restrained,  or 
inoditied  by  any  authority  of  the  United  States." 

It  is  evident,  from  this  view  of  the  Constitution, 
that  no  person,  let  him  be  officer  or  not,  can  be,  by 
an  act  of  Congress,  denied  the  use  of  the  press  or 
of  speech. 

These  recent  measures   are  also   most  evident'y 
wrong  in  princip'e,  as  well  as  they  are  unconstitu- 
tional.    It  would  be   unnatural   and  unjust  to   re- 
strain an  officer,more  than  another  individual, from 
defending  himself  when  he   is   attacked.     Self-de- 
fence is  \he  first  law  of  nature.     No   law  ought  to 
be  made  to  abridge  or  cancel  this  light.       In  what 
situation  would  a  Federal   officer    be  placed,  sup- 
posing him  to  be  a  candidate,  and  aiiacked?    Right 
or,wrong,  he  must  be  silent,  or  be  would  incur  the 
penalty  of  the  law,  if  these  bills  had  passed.       We 
then  would  see,  what  I  never  have  seen,  a  dumb 
4;andida'e.    I  can  see  nothing  in  an  officer  so  crimi- 
nal in  discussing    the  affairs  of   his   country  like 
other  persons.     State  officers  might  as  well  be  pre- 
vented as  Federal.     Who  ever  heard  of  a  State  or 
Federal  officer   having  a  padlock   to    his  mouth? 
The  honor  of  the  invention  is  due   to   the  Federal 
party  of  '98.    There  are  more  office  seekers   than 
office  holders. 

If  this  advantage  were  given  to  .he  outs,  together 
with  their  superior  numbers,  it  would  be  death 
to  the  ins,  if  they  were  not  permitted  to  defend 
themselves. 

The  "alien  and  sedition"  laws  were  enacted  by 
the  Federal  party  when  they  were  in  power.  The 
object  of  the  party  by  the  sedition  law,  was  to  re- 


strain the  people  from  operating  on  them  a^^  ^^^ 
Government.  Now  it  is  reversed.  The  Opposi- 
tion party  are  in  the  minority,  and  by  their  move- 
ments are  seeking  to  restrain  the  officers  of  the 
Government  from  exercising  'heir  privilpges  in  the 
elections.  Change  of  situa'.ion  has  made  it  neces- 
sary to  change  the  legisl.ition  also.  Now  thej 
wish  to  restrain  the  officers,  and  in  former  times 
they  restrained  the  people.  The  general  object 
seems  lo  be  the  same — to  establish  the  principles  of 
the  "alien  and  sedition"  laws,  and  on  these  princi- 
ples to  raise  themselves  into  pawer  on  the  ruins  of 
Democracy. 

It  is  just  to  state  that  not  all  the  member,"?  of  the 
Opposition  party  sustained  in  the  House  the  bill 
which  was  rejected  on  the  20th  May  last;  and  it  is 
albo  proper  to  stale  that  not  one  cf  the  Democratic 
party  voted  for  it.  It  is  for  you  to  say  if  these  prin- 
ciples of  the  "alien  and  sedition  law,"  whose  qui- 
etus was  administered  to  it  in  1800,  is  now  again 
to  be  revived,  and  made  the  basis  of  the  new  Har- 
rison administration  of  the  Government.  Are  fo- 
reigners to  be  excluded,  and  Federal  officers 
gagsred^  And  for  what?  Is  it  to  establish  the  old 
Federal  doctiines  of  the  "alien  and  sedition  law?" 
The  "sedition  law,"  during  the  present  session  of 
Congress,  received  by  both  Houses  of  Congress 
another  public  condemnation,  in  the  case  of  the 
heirs  of  the  Hon.  Matthew  Lyon,  deceased.  A  bill 
passed  Congress  refunding  to  the  heirs  $1,060  96 
cents,  with  interest  since  1799,  for  a  fine  imposed 
on  Mr.  Lyon  for  a  breach  ef  the  "sedition  law." 
Thus  it  i«  that  this  odious  gag  law  is  yet  held  in  ut- 
ter contempt  by  the  Congress  of  the  American 
people. 

The  Opposition  party,  besidps  attempting  to  pre- 
vent ihe  officers  of  the  General  Government  from 
meddling  in  elections,  charge  the  whole  Democratic 
party  as  "the  office  holdets'  party,  "the  spoils  par- 
ty," etc.  These  charges  they  d'sreg.ird  them- 
selves, when  they  are  in  power.  When  Governor 
Ritner  and  party  came  into  power  in  Pennsylvania, 
the  Dsmocrais  were  dismissed  from  office  without 
ceremony.  They  were  forced  into  the  ranks  of  pri- 
vate citizens  with  a  vengeance. 

The  same  course  was  pursued  in  the  State  of 
New  York.  I  will  lay  before  you  an  article  from 
the  Albany  Argus,  to  show  that  the  Opposition  par- 
ty in  that  S^tte  have  no  dislike  to  the  "spoils,"  when 
they  have  the  power  to  obtain  them. 

Prom  the  Albany  Argus  of  May  20. 
THE  "SPOILS  PARTY." 

This  v/as  the  soubriquet  ap[)lied  to  the  Demscratic  party 
by  the  present  dominant  Federal  party  in  this  State;  and  always 
accompanied  by  an  expression  of  marked  horror  at  the  alleged 
doctrine  of  the  "  spoils."  This  was  before  their  accession  to 
power;  and  if  they  were  to  be  believed,  nothing  could  be  more 
detestable,  in  their  opinion,  than  the  practice  of  the  Democratic 
party  to  appoint  a  majority  of  their  friends  (it  was  by  no  means 
universal)  to  office. 

If  the  practice  were  detestable,  what  shall  we  think  of  the 
hypocrisy  and  insincerity  which  declaim  against  it,  as  eucb, 
and  yet,  the  moment  the  power  is  within  their  grasp,  adopt  it, 
to  an  extent  far  exceeding  the  practice  of  auy  paity  in  this 
country. 

Let  us  judge,  by  practical  tests,  who  are  emphatically  the 
"spoils"  party. 

Every  Democrat  within  the  reach  of  the  Federal  axe  has  been 
struck  from  office.  Not  a  man  has  been  spared  The  removals 
and  appointments,  of  party  ftiends  exclusively,  have  been 
pushed  to  an  extent  unknown  in  the  history  of  parties  here  or 
elsewhere.  And  this  by  a  pany professing  the  utmost  disinle- 
restednesa  of  object,  and  a  profound  abhorreace  of  the  "epoila  ' 
of office ! 


•TTi-Within  little  more  than  a  year  the  Feberal  party  of 
thtsStaie  underthe  direction  of  tht-  Albany  .lnnto,  hnve  re- 
maved  ;,nd"pP''i''ied  =*EVEN  HUNUUED  AND  SIXTY-ONE 
CIVIL  OFFICERS,  viz:— 


County  Juilges  48 

Com.  of  Liians  Ml 

Suirogates 
Flour  inspectors 
inspectors  ofsoleleither 
Commissioners  of  deeds 
Blasters  in  Cliancery 
Examiners  m    do 
Supreme  Court  Coin. 
Inspectors  of  Lu  mber 

do    pot  and  pearl  aslies 

do    green  hitles,  &i;. 

do    S;ate  prison 

do    salt 
Superhitend'ts  on  sail  works 
Assistant  State  sealer 
Canal  Comniissioners 
Canal  appraisers 
flank  directors 
.Notaries  Public 


88 


Ins.  of  beef  and  pork 
Ju.stice  of  Peace 
Measurers  o;  Grain 
C'ullera  of  Staves 
Weigher?'  of  merchandize 
Ilealih  officer 
<Uerlc  of  State  prison 
Port  wardens  •} 

Harbor  master  1 

Inspectors  nf  distilled  spirits   8 
Measurers  of  Stone  3 

do        of  wood  5 

Commissioners  of  Lewiaton 

school  fund  2 

Bank  commissioner  1 

Health  commissioner  I 

Inspeitor  ol  flax  seed  f 

Ag'i  for  Onondaga  Indians      1 
iresident  physician  1 

761 

This  is  the  "spoils  doctrine"  to  an  extent  never  before  wit- 
nessed  ill  this  Slate— and  probably  in  any  other  American 

Bui  this  is  not  all.  The  offices  in  existence  when  this  party 
of  all  the  abhorrence  of  the  "spoils"  came  into  power,  were  not 
flufficient  for  their  voracity  ol  appetite  and  to  satisfy  the  craving 
of  the  hungry  -'spoil  hunters"  that  literally  besieged  the  Capi- 
tol It  became  necessary  to  meet  the  demand  for  office,  and  to 
avoid  actual  outbreaks  from  the  discontents  of  the  disappointed. 
w  manufacture  a  new  supply  U  became  necessary  lo  ckeate 
ABVF  OFFICES  not  desired  by  the  public  wants,  nor  demanded 
by  the  pa.)ple  but  required  as  sops  and  rewards  for  the  rave- 
nous crew  that  came  up  in  swarms  to  touch  and  taste  the 
"spoils  " 

Durinf  the  late  sessrtnn  of  the  Legislature,  upwards  ot 
TIIREE'uUNDRED  new  offices  were  created  tr  pro- 
proposeil  lo  be  created  by  the  Federal  partisan^  in  power— the 
HONEST  pariiaans  who  entertain  so  sincere  an  abhorrence  of  the 
^•spoils."  They  have  been  enumerated  as  follows: 
5  chancellors. 
2  vice-chancellors. 

1  bank  c-pmniissioner. 

2  judges  ot  the  N.  Y.  sessions. 
1  police  justice  in  Lockport. 

5  commissioners  of  charitable  institutioQs. 
1  secre-.aiy  tn  said  commissioners. 
9  supreme  court  commissioners. 

1  southern  railroad  insfiector. 

2  northern  railroad  comrdssionera. 


3  fire  commissioners!. 
2.5  (at  least)  commissioner?  of  deedis  in  other  States. 

2  llelderberg  commissioners. 

ro  police  officers  in  the  ciiy  of  New  York. 
1  inspector  of  unslacked  lime,  Wash.co. 
1         do  distilled  spirits,  Albany. 

1  police  justice,  Syracuse. 
.')  additional  trustees  of  the  Seaman's  Hoepilal. 
1  physician  in  chiel  for  do. 

3  commissioners  to  gerrymander  New  York  Clfy. 
201  additional  inspectors  of  election,  New  York. 

I  inspector  of  sole  leathei. 

1  do  quercitron  bark. 

2  do  flour. 

1       do  potatoes. 

1  harbormaster  for  New  York. 

2  nort  wardens  ~A9. 

2  State  prison  keepers.  ^ 

332 

Such  is  tlie  contrast  presented  betw*en  the  profesflions  of  Fe- 
deralism OUT  of  power,  and  the  practice  ol  Pederaliam  iN  pow- 
er.   The  facts  carry  their  comment  along  with  ihem. 

It  is  almost  useless  to  say  I  voted  against  the 
biil  that  was  rejected  in  the  House  od  the  20ili 
of  May  last,  as  I  w.slied  to  preserve  the  freedom 
of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  which  if?,  as  Mr.  Madi- 
son says,  "the  guardian  of  all  our  other  rights." 

I  am  satisfied  you  will  think  with  me,  that  the 
measures  and  policy  above  alluded  to,  which  were 
attempted  to  be  established  in  Congiess,  and  made 
the  law  of  the  land,  are  subsiantially  the  same  as 
the  alien  and  sedition  laws;  and  as  the  principles 
are  the  same,  the  parties  must  also  be  the  same. 
For  two  parties  to  exist  separate  and  dislinct,  when 
boih  are  engaged  in  carrying  out  the  .»;ame  mea- 
sures and  principles,  is  impossible.  Thi^-se  mea- 
sures are  submitted  to  you  for  your  serious  consi- 
deration. It  is  for  you  to  .'=^y  if  you  approve  of 
ihe  policy  and  principles  of  the  "alien  and  sedi- 
tion" laws;  and  if  these  new  measures  are  not  sub- 
stantially the  same  in  principle. 
Your  friend, 

JOHN  REYNOLDS. 

■Washington  CiTr,  June  25,  1840. 


